The year 1947 did not merely mark the birth of a Republic; it signalled the signing of a moral and political covenant among a people who had withstood colonialism and survived the harrows of partition. For the Indian Muslim, this birth of the republic was a moment of affirmation. It was a historical juncture where the legacy of a thousand years of Indian Islam met the modern promise of egalitarianism. To view the Indian Constitution through a narrow legalistic lens is to miss its soul; it is, in every sense of the word, a sacred covenant of justice that provides the framework for a life of dignity, faith, and progress in a pluralistic world.
The narrative that often pits the Muslim faith against the Constitution is a modern construct, one that frequently ignores both the deep ethical roots of Islam and the inclusive genius of the Indian state.
In contemporary discourse, Islam is often reduced to a rigid penal code or a set of political demands, yet its classical objectives have always been the preservation of life, property, intellect, minorities, and their religions. When we place the Indian Constitution alongside these objectives, we find a convergence. The Constitutional commitment to social, economic, and political justice is the modern vehicle for the Islamic mandate of Adl (absolute justice) and Isan (excellence and kindness). The Constitution, which protects the right to pray, guarantees the safety of the weak against the strong, and ensures that every citizen stands equal before the law, is not a rival to faith but rather a facilitator of the ethical life that faith demands.
It must be remembered that the Muslim leaders who sat in the Constituent Assembly worked as architects of the document they intended to apply to socio-political life. Leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Syed Muhammad Saadullah did not see Muslim identity in conflict with a secular republic. For Azad, the Constitution was the modern iteration of the Covenant of Medina – the first written constitution in history – where the Prophet Muhammad established a pluralistic state that guaranteed religious freedom and collective security to Muslims, Jews, and polytheists alike. These leaders understood that in a diverse nation, a “secular” state is the only guarantee for a diverse and vast country. Opting for a common citizenship over communal entities signalled that the protection of the community lay not in isolation but in the strength of the shared democratic institutions.
The narrative that seeks to position religious legal frameworks as an alternative to the Constitution does a disservice to the faith its adherents follow. Islamic scholars have emphasized that Muslims living in a land by agreement or covenant are religiously bound to uphold the laws of that land, provided those laws do not compel them to renounce their core faith. The Indian Constitution explicitly protects the freedom of conscience. Under Articles 25 to 30, it grants a level of protection to minority cultural and educational rights that is rare in global constitutional history. This is not a concession by the majority but a commitment by the state to the idea that India belongs to all who inhabit it. To suggest that the Constitution is alien is to ignore the blood and sweat of the Muslim freedom fighters who fought to ensure that India would never be a theocratic state.
True justice, as envisioned by the Constitution, goes beyond the absence of discrimination; it is the active promotion of fraternity. The concept of Fraternity, as Dr. B.R. Ambedkar articulated, is but another name for democracy. When the Constitution strikes down practices that are discriminatory or promotes the rights of women and the marginalized, it is not an attack on religion. Rather, it is an act of reasoning, an effort to ensure that the values of dignity and equality are applied to the lived reality of the 21st century. A justice that ignores the rights of a daughter or the dignity of the Pasmanda (marginalized) is a justice that has lost its focus, and it is the Constitution that acts as the corrective compass.
The Indian model of secularism is fundamentally different from the concept of separation of state and religion found in the West. It emphasizes “principled distance” that allows the state to support religious institutions and personal laws while reserving the right to reform them for the sake of social justice. This positive engagement is what allows a Muslim to be a judge, a scientist, or a soldier while retaining their identity and everyday practices.
The Constitution provides
mechanisms like legal institutions, the ballot box, and the right to dissent or the right to access legal frameworks to resolve issues and disputes.
The Constitution is the only document that stands between the citizen and the potential tyranny of the state or the collective.
For the Indian Muslim, the path forward is not a retreat into an imagined past or a rejection of the present. It is the embrace of Constitutional Patriotism. This is a patriotism not based on symbols alone, but on the commitment to the values of the Preamble. It is the realization that the struggle of advocating for constitutional rights is, in itself, a moral duty. When a Muslim stands for the rule of law, for the independence of the judiciary, and for the rights of the weakest, he/she is fulfiling both his civic duty and the religious responsibility that mandates justice.
The narrative of Islam and the values of the Constitution are not on a collision course unless we allow radicals or anti-constitutionalists to manipulate and sow division for their own benefit. For a Muslim citizen, the highest form of law is one that delivers justice and protects their identity and relations between faiths. If the Indian Constitution provides the means to achieve an egalitarian society, to educate our children, and to live in peace with our neighbours, then it is more than just a legal document; it is a sacred bond. The Indian Muslim community does not see the Constitution as a challenge to their faith but as the ultimate safeguard for political, social, and economic life. Relying on abstract narratives of establishing a religious state or being governed by traditional religious edicts ignores the constitutional shields and guarantees. It could potentially lead to usurpation of social life by the far-right groups appropriating the faith, which would ultimately collide with the majoritarian whims.
Altaf Mir, Ph.D
Jamia Millia Islamia
